Uzbekistan plans full transition to cashless payment for suburban transport by 2030
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Podrobno.uz [uz]
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Uzbekistan plans full transition to cashless payment for suburban transport by 2030

A plan is being developed in Uzbekistan for a complete abandonment of cash payments for travel on suburban passenger trains, as well as on routes of suburban and intercity buses, which is set to happen by 2030. In the future, passengers will have to use exclusively cashless payment methods.

This change is enshrined in the draft strategy for the development of passenger transport until 2030. According to this document, currently approximately 70% of passengers prefer to pay for travel with cash.

Furthermore, the project proposes providing a discount of at least 20% on electronic tickets for trips on suburban trains and buses starting from 2027. This benefit, according to the plan, should be valid until December 31, 2029. However, there are discrepancies in the project regarding the start date of the discount: the main text indicates January 1, 2027, while the action plan specifies March 1, 2027.

Another proposal concerns owners of electronic tickets for long-distance trains: they will be allowed to use suburban trains free of charge within the relevant region. This option will be available within 12 hours before the departure of the long-distance train specified in the ticket and within 12 hours after its arrival. It is planned that the procedure for providing this free travel will be developed and implemented before September 1, 2027.

It is important to note that all stated proposals are presented as a draft document, which is currently undergoing public discussion, so these measures have not yet received official approval and may be changed.

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Gas generation technology deemed financially viable, but not necessarily affordable
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Gas generation technology deemed financially viable, but not necessarily affordable

The Department of Electricity and Energy announced on October 28th the closure of the first window for applications in the Independent Gas Generation Procurement Program without receiving a single preferred application. Four submitted proposals, offering capacity of 2830 MW against the target of 2000 MW, failed to meet mandatory criteria, mainly due to participants' inability to guarantee sufficient gas supply volumes.

The situation is complicated by the fact that South Africa does not have an LNG import terminal, and its pipeline supplies from Mozambique are in decline. However, this was not unexpected for sector specialists.

Earlier that month, the minister issued a decision on an additional 5000 MW of gas generation, as well as 4600 MW of battery storage. Furthermore, a separate decision was made allowing eKurhuleni to purchase 2400 MW from independent producers, of which 780 MW is natural gas. Notably, gas is considered first, while wind and solar energy must await a subsequent decision. The technology, which recently failed due to fuel shortages, is now a priority.

The procurement decision creates a legal authorization, but it does not secure fuel, terminals, or reliable contracts. The minister is aware of this, stating that distribution must occur 'through a coordinated fuel infrastructure and generation program,' and emphasizing that a plant without a reliable fuel source cannot ensure stable power supply.

Following the failure of the First Application Window, the department stated that it is not backing down and will now focus on infrastructural, commercial, and institutional conditions. Nevertheless, the October decisions are based on an unverified assumption: repeating the demand instrument while maintaining the supply problem will not lead to a different outcome.

Official statements acknowledge the fuel problem but do not demonstrate that it has been solved. A more complex issue is that the fuel problem that halted the First Application Window is physical. Its resolution will inevitably create a financial problem.

The guarantees that bidders could not provide will eventually be secured by long-term LNG supply contracts, terminal agreements, and 'take-or-pay' obligations, whose prices will be set in dollars and linked to global markets. This is where the price risk arises, and once these contracts are concluded, it will be fixed for a generation of electricity consumers.

The question arises as to why a rational politician would prioritize gas generation under such circumstances. What is happening in energy policy bears the hallmarks of tragedy. This is not due to the bad faith of anyone, but because every participant acts rationally within a system that leaves the biggest risk ownerless.

Between January and October 19, 2026, the price of gas at Europe's main trading hub, the Dutch TTF, rose from approximately 28 to 88.38 euros per megawatt-hour, equating to about 9.20 to 29.00 US dollars per million British thermal units (MMBtu). Using the thermal efficiency coefficient employed in the author's study, 7 gigajoules (about 6.6 MMBtu) per megawatt-hour, a combined cycle gas turbine would incur fuel costs of approximately 192 US dollars per MWh at this price. At an exchange rate of 16.53 Rand to the dollar, this amounts to about 3.18 Rand per kilowatt-hour for fuel alone. This figure is a lower bound, not an estimate, as it excludes costs for transportation, regasification, capacity charges, and efficiency losses when operating a medium-sized station, such as the Richards Bay Eskom station proposed, in a demand-following mode.

On the scale of the entire park, the Integrated Resource Plan 2025 foresees 6000 MW of gas generation by 2030. According to the author's estimates, a park of this size will require about 3.4 million tons of LNG annually. At a price of 20 US dollars per MMBtu on the Asian benchmark JKM, the fuel cost alone will add approximately 14% to the average electricity tariff, which is not accounted for in the current definition of prices by the South African National Energy Regulator (NERSA). At a price of 40 US dollars and a 20% weakening of the Rand, this share will amount to about 32%.

It is also unclear how this bill will be covered. Today, Eskom passes on excess fuel costs to consumers through the Nersa Regulatory Settlement Account 18–24 months after the event. However, LNG supply contracts of this magnitude run for 15–20 years, far beyond 2031, when the Electricity Amendment Act transitions the system to market pricing. The draft Nersa Trading Rules for 2026 lists six categories of non-bypassable levies, and variable fuel costs are not among them; subsequent arrangements remain at the discretion of the wholesale tariff methodology, which has yet to be determined. Contracts will be signed under one reimbursement regime but will exceed its term.

Financial institutions will not lend to an unviable project. This is the key point. A lender's credit analysis focuses on whether the plant will be built, whether its revenues will cover the debt, and whether purchase and support agreements can be enforced. Risks related to gas prices and exchange rates are not ignored; they are distributed. Fuel costs and capacity charges pegged to the dollar, 'take-or-pay' obligations, and state buyer support move these risks outside the lender's control. Within this boundary, the project is considered financially viable. Outside of it, the same contracts transfer global gas price shocks and currency shocks into the consumer's expenses, the treasury, and ultimately, the regulated tariff paid by every household and business. External exposure goes beyond the scope of the lender's assessment, not due to oversight, but by design.

The Karpowership licensing demonstrated how this looks in practice. When opponents raised the issue of dollar-indexed fuel costs for three floating power stations licensed by Nersa in 2021, the regulator responded by considering the licensee's right to reimbursement of its costs, rather than who would pay if gas prices rose. The question was asked, and the institution best suited to answer answered a different one.

This is where the tragedy lies. The developer optimizes the project. The lender protects its loan. The buyer signs contracts they are obligated to sign. The regulator assesses the application before submission. Every account is correct within its own system. Risk accumulates in the space between these systems, and no institution is formally assigned to measure it before it becomes fixed. Households will not face this risk as a condition in the electricity purchase agreement. They will face it as a tariff increase years after the contracts are signed.

Three steps could eliminate this gap, regardless of the conclusion drawn about gas. Firstly, before the financial closing of any LNG-to-power project, Nersa should require and publish a tariff stress test: what happens to the regulated tariff if hub prices replicate this year's movement with a weaker Rand. Mathematically, this takes minutes; only the obligation to publish it is missing.

Secondly, the National Treasury must report on contingent liabilities created by state support for gas procurement as clearly as it reports on guarantees to state-owned enterprises, before they arise, not after.

Thirdly, the department must make the terms of procurement risk allocation public: how fuel costs are indexed, who pays 'take-or-pay' obligations when the plant is not needed, and how currency fluctuations are handled. In the Karpowership case, the High Court in 2024 ruled that Nersa submitted a heavily edited record according to the company's wishes. Terms determining what citizens will pay cannot be treated as a trade secret.

A rational politician can still choose gas generation. But only one who has seen the numbers outside the boundaries of lenders and is willing to publish them can claim to make a rational choice.

Before the next application window opens, one question must be resolved first: who owns the risk? The Karpowership contracts expired before anyone was forced to take responsibility for the risks they incurred. The five-fold larger program may not expire. Its risks need an owner before the ink dries.

R 371 billion difference in South Africa's GDP highlights growth limitations by headline figures
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R 371 billion difference in South Africa's GDP highlights growth limitations by headline figures

South Africa's economy could reach a nominal volume of R 8 trillion in 2025 if the annual growth rates recorded after 2022 were applied to the country's rebased gross domestic product (GDP). This calculation demonstrates a discrepancy between the revised size of the economy and its subsequent dynamics.

As part of a benchmarking and rebasing exercise conducted by Statistics South Africa, the measured size of the economy in 2022 was increased to R 6.99 trillion, representing a 4.9% increase. Applying the annual nominal GDP growth rates recorded in subsequent years to this adjusted starting point yields a modeled GDP of R 8.01 trillion by 2025. This amount exceeds the published nominal GDP figure of R 7.64 trillion by approximately R 371 billion.

It is important to note that this calculation is counterfactual, not an official GDP estimate. It illustrates what the nominal size of the economy could have been if historical growth rates were applied to the revised 2022 base, but it does not prove a loss of R 371 billion in economic output.

Higher Growth

According to the Stats SA report, 'National Accounts: Sources and Methods,' the benchmarking exercise increased GDP levels for each year from 2018 to 2023. The average increase over this period was 4.2%, ranging from 3.5% in 2018 to 4.9% in 2022. These adjustments reflect changes in the methods and data used to measure economic activity, not a sudden surge in production.

The largest adjustment was recorded in the mining sector, where the measured contribution increased by 12.5%, mainly due to the inclusion and improved coverage of illegal mining. The second largest increase was in finance, real estate, and business services, which amounted to 9.1%, linked to an improved method of valuing owner-occupied housing. This is significant because GDP is an assessment of economic activity, not a direct count of every transaction in the country; improvements in information and methodology can change the measured size and composition of the economy without altering actual production.

Nominal Growth Calculation

The historical nominal GDP figures used in the calculation are taken from the IMF's International Financial Statistics series, published via the U.S. Federal Reserve System's FRED database. This series records nominal GDP at R 7.04 trillion in 2023, R 7.35 trillion in 2024, and R 7.64 trillion in 2025. These figures imply annual nominal growth rates of approximately 5.6%, 4.5%, and 3.9%, respectively. Applying these rates sequentially to the revised 2022 base leads to the following modeled scenario: the difference between the modeled 2025 figure and the published one is approximately R 371 billion.

However, the comparison requires careful interpretation. The historical growth rates are derived from the published nominal series, whereas the calculation itself starts with the revised 2022 level. Therefore, the result serves as an illustration of how a higher base point alters the subsequent trajectory while maintaining these growth rates. It does not replace the official revised GDP series.

Nominal Growth Is Not Real Growth

The difference between nominal and real GDP is key when analyzing these indicators. Nominal GDP measures the value of economic output at current prices, accounting for both changes in production and changes in prices. Real GDP is adjusted for price changes to provide a clearer picture of whether the volume of goods and services produced has increased.

According to Stats SA, South Africa's real GDP grew by 0.5% in 2024 and 1.1% in 2025. These growth rates indicate that the economy expanded in real terms, albeit at moderate rates. Nominal figures are higher because they also reflect price changes, and they cannot be interchanged with real GDP growth rates; the R 371 billion difference cannot be described as lost real output.

Questions

The rebasing exercise provides a more complete picture of the economy's scale, including activities that were previously unaccounted for or measured with less complete information. The counterfactual calculation, in turn, shows how applying subsequent nominal growth rates to the revised starting point yields a significantly different headline figure for 2025. Ultimately, it is a matter of measurement and economic trajectory: how the revised understanding of the economy's size compares to the path implied by the nominal growth rates recorded since 2022.

Methodology Note:

The R 371 billion difference is a modeled counterfactual, not an official GDP estimate or a measure of lost economic volume. It applies the annual nominal GDP growth rates published for 2023–2025 to Stats SA's revised nominal GDP baseline of R 6.99 trillion for 2022. The historical growth rates are sourced from the IMF's International Financial Statistics series, published via the U.S. Federal Reserve System's FRED database. The calculation assumes the applicability of these rates to the revised base and aims to illustrate the effect of a higher starting point.

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